Though he still would have lost, Sanders would have been the best candidate against Trump because he represents everything Trump is not. But, either the DNC establishment or the country doesn’t side with Sanders’s socialist values. In all likelihood, the DNC move away from Bernie is related to its move away from other hardline socialists in their ranks. In other words, the battle of ideologies might already be over.
The 2020 election is now in full swing. Even the Wuhan 2019-nCoV coronavirus demands a response to please November. Perhaps that’s why Democrats defended Joe Biden so avidly during the impeachment process. Perhaps they always planned to have him as their front runner and nominee. Perhaps they know that socialism loses elections, even more since capitalism has been given an extra try over the last three years.
Tom Steyer doesn’t seem to know which party he’s running for. Recommending private sector solutions to the voter base that wanted Sanders v Trump in 2016 is, in a word, nutty. But, he shares one thing in common with Bloomberg: they think Trump’s deep pockets bought him the election, so they could copy-cat the same victory. But, Trump’s deep pockets didn’t buy him the election; Trump earned it through a life in the office rather than a private palace and over a decade of experience watching the public respond to him on camera.
While the Democratic party is being commandeered by radicals, the base is shifting from “help us -ists” to “socialists”. Sanders would have probably won the 2016 nomination were it not for the Democratic party’s non-democratic system of superdelegates throwing their minority support to Hillary. Unlike the professional campaign organizers (including Biden), and unlike the lazy rich guys (including Biden), Sanders is the real deal. He’s in it because he believes in it. And, his base respects him for the same two reasons Trump’s base respects him: hard work and personal connection to the crowd. To boot, it’s about ideology.
Part of the schism forming between the evermore so apparent “two Americas” is about how we view money. Some view money as having an ethereal source—once a country or company is “rich”, money just grows on trees or something. Others view money as having to be generated from a combination of work and savvy, no matter how rich a country or company gets. The “ethereals” believe the economy grows because government injects money from the imaginary hole in space through which money pours without end, and this is good because rich companies are purportedly rich because they have access to a similar money hole in space. The “savvyists” believe government can only give what government already took away and that companies can only make what they continue to think and work for.
The test of the 2020 election is a battle of ideals. Whichever voter base sees the universe correctly will have the strength to muster an election victory. So, you see, 2020 is about clear vision.
The concept of an ongoing impeachment process against every sitting president isn’t that bad of an idea. In some governments, it’s the fourth branch of government called the “Control”. Perhaps Obama, Bush, and Clinton—all the way to FDR and Wilson—would have served the people better if they had an ongoing impeachment proceeding. It’s tempting, but, for now anyway, it looks like a big waste of time.
The president’s defense seems incredibly boring, but that won’t matter. The Democratic prosecution omits key evidence, but that won’t matter either. Every vote in the Senate has already been decided. These proceedings contain the platform for the other side to be added where there was only one side of what should be fair. Life isn’t fair, but drama stops at the Senate floor. As with Clinton, there is neither basis to remove Trump from Office. Impeachment is a big deal, but usually falls to the popular opinion; voting citizens are the jury. Both times, all the energy from the House was spent on the Senate, which just let the House wear itself tired.
While one proceeding moves forward for show toward a pre-agreed verdict, another investigation continues against the faction that wanted this impeachment in the first place. A network of unhappy people from the opposite side of the political spectrum, largely in cahoots with the FBI and beyond, tried to prevent a president from being elected, then tried to remove him from office for something that didn’t happen. In their view, justice is an illusion; they only do what suits them with whatever power they have. For them, might is morally right. Fortunately, democracies have systems in place to prevent power-defined morality touted by Leftist activists in America’s legal justice system—whether judges or FBI.
The strongest evidence in this impeachment trial is the phone call read-out between Trump and Zelensky. It only seems inditing when heard in small snippets by people who hate Trump anyway. To everyone else, it is acquitting. Calling witnesses would stretch on and on and, for Republicans, would only serve the purpose of exposing the swamp that the FBI was a small part of. Democrats gamble that the Senate won’t call witnesses, so House managers taunt the Senate about not calling witnesses. But, just how the president released the contents of the phone conversation by surprise, the Senate could decide to start the boring process of asking pre-written questions through the Chief Justice. The main purpose for Republicans would be to put accomplices on the stand. If that happens, expect at the top of the list the center of the phone call’s discussion: Joe Biden.
It’s all seen in his funeral. John McCain’s death, more and more, seems destined to symbolize the death of the Washington “establishment”. Put less friendlily, the death of McCain was the death of the swamp. More respectfully, and how things out to be, we mourn the loss of a senator while we move on with our convictions.
The Trump electorate, finally gaining the cooperation of the GOP, is proving more and more to be a valid and clear and enduring majority. They wanted Obama’s health care law repealed; only McCain—from their own political party—stopped them. They wanted to be descent and quiet at the funeral of the man who despised them. John McCain found Sarah Palin, then put her on a leash. She respected him and only spoke respectfully of him, then he put a muzzle on her. Now, he’s dead and she continues to respect him in her silence. Meghan McCain had a right to say whatever she wanted and her words agreed with her father’s sentiment; Trumpists didn’t like her words, but she stayed right on topic. Thank you Meghan. Trump would not attend, but his daughter did, a most appropriate discretion. Trump had more respect in his absence than in Obama’s venomous distraction toward the man who would not crash a funeral. Bush and Biden gave good and respectful speeches, celebrating and mourning him.
The Trump electorate lives on and they are growing in number. Now, with Kevin McCarthy calling an inquisition into the Silicon Valley tech giants, who have harassed the controlling votership for two years, Republicans are moving away from the maverick-moderate tactics of McCain—which did work in his day. Insulting and muffling public expression, including the Declaration of Independence, was a foolish error. If their defense is true—that they “didn’t know”—then they should have at least studied the electorate rather than despised it and known their own history well enough not to flag key words from our nation’s heritage. At least, Silicon Valley is guilty of not caring enough about what they should. They are already paying a punishment through the markets. Now, they will answer to Congress.
McCarthy’s move will energize the base—the one thing that the losing moderates of 2014 feared—the one thing that helps Republicans win elections. The Republican base is energized and we are now no longer looking at a possible and unusual midterm victory for Republicans; we are now looking at a likely and unusual midterm victory for Republicans.